There is a loss and a lot of disenchantment among those who reaffirm their democratic spirit. And fear. And there's no reason to have it. The victory of Jair Bolsonaro It was of such a magnitude that only a catastrophe could take its place in the Planalto Palace. And it is hard to believe that someone who has one of his country signs has a hand in the form of a revolver. Give the bullet, we say. Or simulate frequently on the platform of any demonstration that has a machine gun: this is how you have to put an end to the ills of the country. It is the same expression that many say as a bad joke, but that ultimately is an aspiration that scares: "the best remedy for this country is a wall". And this is where the question of rigor arises: and if those who control that wall consider that this is "your" destiny?
It's hard to believe that a 46% voted for someone who not only validates dictatorships, but regrets that what he ruled with an iron hand in Brazil was not so radical, that he only tortured and did not kill more people with whom to eradicate what they consider the evil of society. It is hard to believe that people approve of that thought in a region that has suffered from dictatorships that have kidnapped, disappeared and killed thousands of people, censored the individual and collective liberties.
Just to mention the things you said and still says Bolsonaro – and that many cause the sting, but a majority approves – could fill this page and perhaps others. How it happens with Donald Trump, Many can not believe what he says. But he says so, and many -46% of voters, with 58% projections in the second round, support him.
Understanding the victory of Bolsonaro is difficult because his statements are not so true, but rather as a resource for extraordinary political marketing and a perfectly elaborated speech. Only something discursive can get your cover letter from outside the system, status quocome from someone who has lived permanently in the system. It was military – and it is not necessary to be an orthodox Marxist to know that the Armed Forces are the coercive apparatus for the maintenance of the state, be it capitalist or socialist, its status quo -, has been a deputy for almost three decades. You can not be more experienced than this.
That mistake was alerted by his opponents, but few seem to pay attention to the trajectories: they need a speech that allows them to believe that they can leave a situation full of despair. And that the speeches of other political forces have ceased to have an impact and have moved away from the needs of the voters.
Many have said that the widespread disappointment in the political system and corruption has been the cause of the majority vote of Brazilians. It is possible that it is so. But in Brazil there should be a concern that will remain in the field of speculation: what would have happened if Lula had been allowed to be a candidate? Despite being convicted of corruption, he was the favorite in the polls to win the election over Bolsonaro. That crowd in favor of Lula did not approve her votes Fernando Haddad.
What was voted then? The consultant Decio Machado states that "there is a rule in the technique of political advice in the region that indicates that strong leaders do not transfer the vote to their members". But in Brazil there is also talk of the shameful vote of those who do not dare to tell their friends, the pollsters (in the pre-election of October 7, only 35% of the intention to vote was given) who will vote, but who is convinced that only a hand of iron can put an end to the problems of an extremely unequal country, with high rates of violence and great corruption in the sectors that once occupied power.
His victory stops a lot and can end the bipartisan offer between the PT and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party. Perhaps there is no wonder: in several countries the phenomenon extreme right: Sweden, Germany, Austria, Poland, Hungary, Italy, France, the Philippines and the United States.
In some it is power, in others it is not, but this phenomenon grows. more Brazil It is the first South American country to focus on this phenomenon that is beyond populism as it is known in the region.
Bolsonaro, therefore, is not just in front of the world. He declares himself an admirer of Trump and has already said that he is "the Brazilian Trump", and it seems so politically incorrect and anti-system (remember that Trump went from the Democratic Party to the Republican and Bolsonaro traveled six parts to reach the Party social liberal). But it also seems the Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte.
There is a machista equation in their expressions. On August 31, Duterte said: "if there are many beautiful women, there will be many violations"; Bolsonaro said something different but similar to the former human rights minister, Maria do Rosario: "It's very ugly, it's not my type … I would never rape it (…) If you were (rapist) I would rape because you do not deserve it. "
Just before the election, Trump had said obscene things about women; is investigated for his relationship with pornstars during the election period. But the democratic institutionalism of that country would not allow him to speak, as they did Duterte and Bolsonaro, to "kill" without any consideration for criminals, drug addicts, gays, etc.
In this sense, it never ceases to amaze that the evangelicals support so much and are even one of the political subjects that strengthen Bolsonaro. In a country that has the largest number of Catholics in the world, 26% of its 208 million inhabitants are evangelical. And the pastors of these churches have considered only one aspect of the policy of the almost certain president-elect of Brazil: "He is the one who best defends our flags against abortion and the so-called gender ideology," he said. Josimar da Silva, president of the Council of Evangelical Pastors of the Federal District.
That's why Haddad sought support from Catholics this week. But Boslonaro consolidated his slogan: "the fatherland above all, God above all."