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Cristina, Massa and Máximo, an axis of power that is projected on the future of the Government

The ruling party extends the certainty that the Government must go through a change of figures after the agreement with the creditors for the debt Source: Archive

In the ruling party, the certainty that the Government must go through

a change of figures

after the agreement with the creditors for the debt. A change of skin to face the consequences of

devastating deterioration of the economy

, a reaction of political survival against the lack of reaction that is discovered in the weakest areas of the administration.

The prognosis of an inevitable renewal appears in the diagnoses, more or less reserved, that they share

leaders of the ruling coalition with executives and unionists.

From business circles, the scores to guess the always reluctant future of Argentina point to the axis that solidified within the coalition, between

Cristina Kirchner, Sergio Massa and Máximo Kirchner.

They were his exponents, with the inevitable absence of the vice president and the presence of the minister

Pedro Wado,

who shared the council held in the banker’s house

Jorge Brito

in San Isidro. Much of the talk, with

Marcos Bulgheroni

(Pan American Energy),

Marcelo Mindlin

(Pampa Energía),

Miguel Acevedo

(UIA president), the builder

Hugo Dragonetti and Jorge Brito Jr.

among diners, he noted concern over delays in negotiating with creditors. Entrepreneurs wondered if the fund’s denial


actually hides a black ball of his own

Donald Trump,

If a political decision is hidden behind the price of the bonds for charging Kirchnerism dearly for its turn in the region, its lukewarmness towards

Nicolás Maduro.

Politicians present tried to drive away specters. “They want the same as you, they are discussing the marginal profit of a financial operation; do not screw me with politics,” was the stentorian reply of one of the diners.

But BlackRock’s strong ties to the Treasury of the


and the Federal Reserve base the doubts. There was also some caustic thrust, such as reminding an entrepreneur of his efforts in the United States for the files he faced in the

Securities Exchange Commission (SEC). ).

A not very chivalrous reference to ask for confidence in the current negotiators.

There is no doubt about the debacle that Argentina is going through in terms of economic activity. But the question is about the responsiveness of the current administration, with ministers fearful of taking steps that anger

Cristina Kirchner

or with levels of execution of their budgets that are traffic lights of inefficiency.

Mario Ishii,

Mayor of José C. Paz, predicted in Profile that in August the conurbano will be “as in 2001”. More academic, the deputy chief of staff,

Cecilia Todesca,

anticipated that poverty, unemployment and the destruction of companies

“They are going to get worse.”

Before it had been

Malena Galmarini



the author of an equally obscure prediction. It is not the opposition, the ruling party itself announces cataclysms.

Hence, the agreement with the bondholders appears as the turning point for those who want a relaunch: Define the numbers to measure the depth of the well and calculate the effort of the jump. In the axis of decision that was woven between

Cristina Kirchner, La Cámpora and Massa

the conviction is established that the time of the first political experiment of the coalition is over, that the term to promote “the comeback” is opening, as they define the future in sporting terms. For some it is the only guarantee to preserve their political projection. For Cristina Kirchner, recovery has another imperative: it is also her judicial safeguard.

This political axis aims to create a bridge between a sector of the


and the hard core of Kirchnerism represented by

The Camp

, a kind of search for mutual guarantees. The operation explains, for example, since the appearance of Pedro Wado in a Zoom of the

Council of Americas

even dialogues with trade unionists on the third floor of the Chamber of Deputies: it is the need for an agreement in the face of the slow disappearance of the veil of quarantine, of the evaporation of the levels of acceptance that the Government achieved at the beginning of the pandemic.

From the same nucleus the frantic efforts arose when it seemed that the negotiation for the debt was collapsing, when the requests to the Mexican magnate appeared

David Martinez

, from Fintech, to intervene, or conversations with

Hans Humes

, from the Greylock fund, or

Richard Deitz

, from Capital Group. There is no Bolivarian nostalgia in those talks. Just pragmatism.

The automotive allegory

The question, if the forecast is realized, is what level of coincidence expresses

Alberto Fernández.

The answer is in the form of a car allegory. “We are on a trip to Mar del Plata and when we get to Dolores the driver proposes to the passenger to drive, because he is getting tired. They change seats. But as soon as they start, the person who became a passenger tells the new driver how he has to driving, when to change speeds, how to pass a truck, warns him that he cannot drink mate and even chooses what music to listen to. It becomes impossible: they brake, insult him and return the car to him. Conclusion: It can help, but

the driver has to agree

“Compare another guest to the San Isidro conclave.

Times are shortened, beyond the success or error of Ishii’s prophecy about August. But what appears to be inevitable for a sector of the coalition must then incarnate in

a cabinet

, in the daily practice of management. And the leadership response, which in the particularity of the political present appears shared between Cristina Kirchner and Alberto Fernández, covers the future of the journey with doubts. As in the allegory, a tug at the wheel complicates any trip, even a simple trip to Mar del Plata.




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