The long and painful American history of domestic terrorism against racial and religious minorities


Washington Post – Information on the United States (illustration) About US is a new initiative by the Washington Post to cover identity issues in the United States. Subscribe to the newsletter. The tragic shot in a Pittsburgh synagogue at the end of last month was the deadliest anti-Semitic act in US history, a crime of unspeakable hatred that sparked important questions about the fundamental makeup of the American identity. This pursuit of the national soul must include an examination of the current presidency, one that has fueled racial divisions, nurtured resentment for the "others" perceived, and embraced a xenophobic, religiously intolerant and fear-based notion of American nationalism. While virulent violence and rhetoric may seem unique to this era, its roots are very American. Jews and communities of color have a long, painful and largely forgotten history of being the object of a widespread domestic terror in the United States. The entire landscape of US history is marked by the scars of violent racial assaults that have hit blacks, in particular, in virtually every corner of the nation.
Information on the United States logo (N / A) White anger against the racist assaults perceived by the black progress during the Second World War. In 1943, amid intense competition for jobs and housing, Detroit exploded after black and white fighting on the segregated beaches of the city. The riots left 25 people of color and nine dead white and hundreds more injured. In the same year, dozens of young Latins were brutally beaten by the military in Los Angeles during the "riots against the zombies", which found Mexican Americans brutalized by racial terror and the forces of order. The young Latins and blacks adorned in the sketchy clothes of Zoot of the era found themselves with a racial profile for wearing these clothes and not respecting the racial label of the day, which forced a black person to move around when a white person was on the sidewalk. The civil rights struggles of the years 50 and 60 inaugurated coordinated waves of vigilantes and police against the black communities and their allies, which included large areas of American Jews. On June 21, 1964, three civil rights workers were reported missing just outside Philadelphia, Miss. In August, the bodies of James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner were found, victims of both anti-black racism and anti-semitism that fueled a wholly white resistance to racial justice in the State of Magnolia and across the nation. We continue to see how racism against black Americans provides a basis for prejudice against other black communities today. The anti-immigration and anti-Latin announcement by President Trump published last week reflected the well-known thirty-year-old Willie Horton, who attacked presidential Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis as a liberal with weak knees that would have allowed hordes of black criminals to attack innocent whites. In short, anti-black Horton advertising offered a model for Trump's brutal attack on latin and undocumented migrants as dangerous threats to American democracy. The racial hatred at the center of the ideology of white supremacy extends outward into concentric circles, enveloping new enemies as it grows and feeds on real and imaginary divisions. Jews, Muslims, LGBTQ people, Latins, Asians, Native Americans, immigrants and blacks are so targeted in an expanding list of enemies of white nationalism that, far from being patrioticly unifying, spreads a message of intolerance, fear and anger. [‘Latinx’: An offense to the Spanish language or a nod to inclusion?] That message was received aloud by millions of Americans, as evidenced by the Trump rallies in which the president referred to him as a "nationalist" and personally applauded the use of violence to silence dissenters. A self-proclaimed supporter of the president would have orchestrated a terror campaign by sending explosive packages to a host of high-profile critics of Trump, including the homes of Hillary Clinton and former President Barack Obama. While the suspect in the synagogue shooting criticized Trump in his post on social media, the president and his close allies have trafficked into ideas that generate anti-Semitism. In particular, the president commented that there were "good people on both sides" of the clash between white supremacists and counter-defenders in Charlottesville last year, days after a group marched through the city singing "The Jews will not replace us" . The semitism that has fueled the Pittsburgh massacre has a long and deadly history in our nation that remains tragically resilient. Our pursuit of the national soul has long been expected, but requires a deeper historical context than the role that racial terror has played in shaping our concept of citizenship, justice and equality in the United States. The history of racial and religious terror – and how to survive, live and thrive between institutionalized fear, anxiety and hatred – is painfully familiar to Jews, Latinos and communities of color, although it remains not mentioned and not recognized in our wider society. The ruthless appeal of the president to our worst instincts draws on a long, persistent and shameful story of domestic terror against the "other", a checklist that seems to expand the most diverse of this country. At the core of these attacks against Jews, Muslims, immigrants and black people remains the anti-black racism that animates our long national history of slavery and white supremacy, the same story that we have to face even as we rebuke the high costs of its contemporary evolution . More from United States Information: the latest code programmer: how a black detective used n-word to infiltrate the KKK. White parents teach their children to be colorblind. That's why it's bad for everyone. Most white Americans will never be influenced by positive actions. So why do they hate him so much?


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