The Slovenian route that Torra claims for Catalonia

"The Slovenians were clear about this, they decided to determine and move the path to freedom with all the consequences to achieve this goal, let's do it as we propose." There is no way back and we are ready to live for free. " President of the Generalitat, Quim Torra, was this week of official travel in Slovenia and, once in Brussels, the first thing he did was to claim the Slovenian way to achieve independence. According to him, the separatists "lost their fear" in the state and now have time to move on.

Is the process and Slovenian independence comparable?

Is the process and Slovenian independence comparable?

The one in Slovenia was an example extensively claimed by Catalan independence. In fact, the road map that the government followed in the last legislature was quite similar to what the Slovenian institutions designed in the early 1990s. In the 1989 elections, the first in which the communist regime To authorize the free competition of the parties, the sovereign coalition Demos – a sort of Together for Yes – won with 54% of the votes and began to define the path to the independent state. On July 2, 1990 a declaration of sovereignty was approved in Parliament, where the right to self-determination was claimed and established on December 23rd as the date for holding a referendum. The opposition of the federal institutions, however, made the law to protect the consultation was not approved until two weeks before.

Most social majority

The path is, if it does not, what followed Catalonia until October 1, 2017. And Torra is calling now to complete the process. Unlike what happened in Catalonia, Slovenia could vote without problems, even if the courts had rejected the referendum and the Serbs were in favor of preventing it. In both cases the "yes" was the majority, but the percentage of participation was very different. In 1-O the participation was 43%. In Slovenia, 93% of the voting population participated and almost 90% of the census was in favor of secession.

Six months later, the Slovenian parliament proclaimed independence on June 25 – during this period they had tried to negotiate with the federal institutions with frontal opposition from the Serbs – a day earlier it was planned to try to play with the factor surprise. In fact, it served them because, when Yugoslavia was mobilized to fight independence, the Slovenian army had already built barricades at the borders and targeted several militias to control the country's main infrastructure.

The ten day war

The second major difference with the Catalan case is precisely the presence of a Slovenian regular army that faced the Yugoslav people – piled up by the Serbs – in the so-called Ten Day War, which lasted until 7 July. Yugoslavia ended up recognizing the independence of Slovenia and Croatia, which had followed a similar process, with the Brioni agreements. 44 soldiers from the Yugoslavian army, 18 from Slovenia and 12 other people – Bulgarian journalists and truck drivers who crossed the territory – died during the conflict.

Independent parties continue to reclaim peacefully, even though this Saturday from Brussels, ex-retailer Toni Comín has warned that the consequences for the Catalans will probably be "dramatic" in the face of a state that believes it is ready for anyone from repress the independence movement. After the declaration of independence on 27 October, the government decided not to try to implement the results of the referendum against "the threat of road deaths" and this is still the red line that the main parties and organizations are not prepared to cross

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