Sdo we take a nostalgic trip to the distant past of two weeks ago? You will recall that there had been local elections in England, in which the pro-Brexit parties had a bond, while the anti-Brexit parties had increased. You could also remember how the main parties interpreted these results: they hailed them as a heartfelt plea from voters to go ahead with Brexit.
Here, then, is a warning to voters who remain in sight before Thursday's European elections. If you want to send a Brexit message, you will need to send it as clearly and unambiguously as possible. Faced with a rotating machine that can hear repudiation as approval, voters will have to be stronger and clearer this time, closing the objectives of an intentional interpretation.
The convincing believers seem to have understood that brute point, shifting their support from the conservatives – who are reduced to single figures in the most recent YouGov poll – at the Brexit party of Nigel Farage, who could very well win the first place next week. But how should committed Europeans commit themselves to making their opinions known? If the last three years have confirmed your fear that Brexit is a disaster, a reactionary project that will damage our economy, narrow the horizons of future generations, reduce Britain's influence and reduce our ability to cooperate on questions serious and urgent that go beyond national borders, which will make life more difficult, not easier, for those who most desperately need to change, which is an undertaking supported by Farage and by the two men he most admires, Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin – if you believe it, how better to say it in the voting booth?
The work insists that you can say it by voting Labor. Or at least some in the party do. It depends. C & # 39; is Tom Watson, who He says: "We are a party of reforms and reforms". But there is also Barry Gardiner, who says: "Work is not a repatriation party now". C & # 39; s Emily Thornberry, who He said On Wednesday, Labor would vote against Theresa May's withdrawal bill. But c & # 39; is also the spokesman of the leader, who first indicated that the party could only abstain. C & # 39; is the first Andrew Adonis, the one who used to cross the country denouncing Brexit as an absolute catastrophe. But there is also the late Adonis, who now is trying to be elected as a Labor MP, simply aspires to "a close economic relationship with the EU after the Brexit".
You can spend many hours combing through speeches and political statements, and if you can guess a coherent Labor position, it will be that Labor would like to leave the EU but close the door well, rather than go wild in a Huff. The talks with May and his government broke down on Friday, but Labor insists that he took part in good faith, which means he was opened in principle to act as midwife at Brexit, provided he won the consolation prize for continuation of membership of a customs union and assorted protections on workers' rights. It can be argued that the work deserves credit for the pursuit of a compromise and the request to implement the result of the 2016 referendum. What cannot be objected is that the Labourism is unequivocally opposed to the exit from the # EU. Even if you lacquer it with the most lucid brilliance, you need a heroic act of self-delusion to see a vote for Labor as a vote to stay. You saw how the results of local elections turned out. He will shoot every vote he will receive next Thursday as a vote for Brexit, albeit with the milder and non-Tory variety.
Neither of the usual arguments that pressure the usual Labor voters apply this time. Thursday's vote is not to choose a government in Westminster; it is neither the one nor the other choice, in which the inability to vote for the work risks putting in the conservatives. It is an election for the European Parliament, under a proportional system. It offers the exact opposite of a binary choice.
Nor is this about where you stand on the sins of the work of the past or its prospects for the future. If you don't vote Labor on Thursday, you will never leave the party forever; you are not even committing yourself to voting in the same way at the next elections in Westminster. This will be a different race in a different context. Each election is about the decision before you at that time – and this week's decision could not be clearer. It is a European election for a European institution: the question is Europe and the place of Great Britain.
So, how should the cast account for 57% of Labor detainees who told YouGov that Labor does not vote this time? The same question applies to all Europeanists: who deserves their vote? In Scotland and Wales, as paradoxical as it may seem, a vote for nationalist parties is a vote for the body that seeks to overcome national boundaries: SNP and Plaid Cymru are adamant supporters of membership permanent at EU level. In England this option is not available, but three others are: Change UK, Liberal Democrats and the Greens.
The change in the UK had high hopes of becoming the party of the hardcore remainer, the million who took to the streets demanding the popular vote, the six million who signed the petition to revoke article 50. These European elections would have should have been the ideal starting point. But it was just as crazy as the Brexit party was lucid, if only in the basics of political tradition, from branding to timing. Listening to candidate Rachel Johnson joshing with a Radio 5 Live interviewer last week on her chats with an anonymous "former prime minister" on the tennis court was to conclude that she could also change her name to Metropolitan Liberal Elite and have done so with it .
This leaves the Liberal Democrats and the Greens. A great vote by Lib Dem will send a deafening message to the rest: if there is no ambiguity, their slogan is "Bollocks to Brexit". In fact, since the percentage share will have a greater political impact than the number of seats won in these elections, the remaining ones may want to see the Lib Dems accumulate as many votes as possible. YouGov shows the Lib Dems in second place, pushing Labor into third: if this happens next week, it could tip the internal battle of the Labor party in favor of the rest.
However, there will be some whose pencil hesitates above the Lib Dem box. It is true, Richard Burgon of Labor tells us that we should forget what the politicians said or did half a decade ago, but the memories of the enabling role of the Lib Dems in David Cameron's austerity coalition remain.
Fortunately, there is another option. The Green party is unequivocally anti-Brexit. In fact, Caroline Lucas was one of the most powerful voices to stay. A vote for the Greens will oppose both the disaster of leaving the EU, and in light of the greatest crisis of our time: the breaking of our climate. The strength of Remain is that it is, despite the name, a discussion on the future, in particular on the opportunities of life of the next generation. Losing their rights as citizens of the EU these possibilities are narrowed, but global warming could destroy them.
Thursday presents a rare opportunity for the British elector. Lacking the pressure to choose a government, freed from the post-post-win-take-all elegance, we can, for once, follow our beliefs. If you believe that Britain's destiny is to live and work with our neighbors, rather than being an outpost of the Xenophobic Trump, a closed island whose national emblem will be Nigel Farage's grinning and spoiled face, then you'll have many good choices. But, sad to say, this time the work is not one of them.
• Jonathan Freedland is a reporter of the guardians