Welcome back to the Guardian Brexit weekly briefing: try to make sense of the absurdity from June 2016. If you wish to receive it as a weekly email, register here. And you can take our monthly Brexit Means podcast here.
The best stories
Well. It's all – somehow, I suspect, for everyone's relief – it went terribly quiet. Almost as if the accumulated exhaustion, a welcome Easter break and the long extension of article 50 until October 31 have combined to remove the wind from the sails of Brexit.
It would be a mistake, however, to think that he is gone. It really isn't. So Brexit talks between government ministers and Labor to find a compromise that can win the support of parliamentarians resumed last week, but the expectations of a breakthrough have been minimal.
Rumors that Theresa May – who still hopes an agreement will be ratified in time to prevent the UK from participating in the European elections next month – will cast a vote on the key legislation that enshrines Britain's exit from the UK. EU as of next week proved to be unfounded.
The Labor party has complained that the government would not have contemplated substantial changes to the political declaration of the business (on the future relations of Great Britain with the EU), proposing instead greater reassurances on the environmental norms and on the rights of the workers in a bill drafted by the revocation act.
And amid a growing sense of political paralysis in Westminster, the prime minister suffered another blow to his authority as Tory's parliamentarian, while he stopped changing the party's rules to allow her to be ousted in a few weeks, he asked a "roadmap" for you if your transaction passes or not.
Far from the conservatives, the former leader of Ukip, Nigel Farage – whose new party Brexit is leading the polls for the European elections – has declared that he wants to strengthen the momentum of the May 26 vote to get rid of what he defines a "parliament remained".
Meanwhile, Labor has faced a Brexit crisis after a campaign leaflet in the south-west of England has sparked anger among boycotters and party members, not mentioning a second referendum, which they think is now the official party policy.
Jeremy Corbyn said that Labor would decide this week what to put in his election manifesto, while shadow business secretary Rebecca Long-Bailey calculated that he could sign a Brexit agreement without a second vote if the talks had done progress soon.
The Labor parliamentarians behind Parliament's push for a confirmatory referendum wrote to their party's government body demanding that they use the election to make a new poll, regardless of whether an agreement was reached with the government.
What will happen?
No one knows. Perhaps he survived the backbench's attempt to call a second vote of no confidence, but few believe he could avoid having to fight the European elections – with the prospect of facing Farage's Brexit party and exacerbating Tory's parliamentarians.
The recognition is that the government must, however, attempt something new before the elections, and if inter-party talks fail to advance, it might try to devise a way to compromise through a small number of new ones indicative votes.
May could be questioned, even by the cabinet ministers, if it accepts a closer customs agreement as a way to convince Labor to support its agreement. And if, as expected, the Tories are humiliated in the local elections and then overwhelmed by the Brexit party in the European vote, it could still decide to go on its own.
The best of the rest
The Guardian editorial on the state of the conservative party did not punch, saying it was destroyed by Brexit:
Many ministers seem to have returned to Westminster this week blinded by the ambition for Theresa May's success. Much of the Tory party came back with just one idea: a leadership challenge that would solve nothing of the Brexit and could easily trigger a general election in which the Tories could be massacred. It is said that those whom the gods want to destroy first become mad. This seems to be true of the modern conservative party. Driven by the failure of Brexit and obsessed by the stupid fantasy that a more doctrinal leader than Mrs May would have been more successful than her, much of the party today shows all the dignity and judgment of a headless chicken. The Tory party was proud to be the natural party of the government. Today it is proving unsuitable for the government.
Matthew D & # 39; Ancona calculated that Nigel Farage was – as he had long predicted – to be fed by the myth of betrayal Brexit, allowing a new movement to rise up in the middle of anger:
The political class has tended every tendency to find a way to deliver the undelivered: extracting the United Kingdom from a 46-year relationship without destroying its prosperity, security and access to the rest of the world. Brexit has failed because that circular quadrature task is impossible. But Farage appeals to a primordial social instinct: that the few, once again, deceive the many of their dreams. It is not the dream that is at fault, you understand, but who sabotages it. Just as the Marxists claim that true communism has never been proven, so the Brexiteers declare that their simple plan has been destroyed by weak, quisling and crazy. Brexit was designed by its most passionate supporters to fail: its purpose was to be betrayed, to allow a new movement to rise, animated by anger and fear. Such a movement is now born. He's already tearing up the conservative party. This, sad to say, is only the beginning of his plan.
A somewhat desperate request from one of the most committed Brexiters of the Tory party:
. (tagToTranslate) Brexit (t) Article 50 (t) Theresa May (t) Conservatories (t) Work (t) European Union (t) Foreign Policy (t) Politics (t) News from the United Kingdom (t) Europe (t) World news