Enclaves and Elections: North Macedonia‘s Complex Political Landscape

The 2025 North Macedonian local elections, one of the OSCE’s largest recent observation projects, underscored the organization’s commitment too regional stability.Held on October 19th, with run-offs on November 2nd, the polls were marked by the lowest turnout since independence, a phenomenon indicative of widespread ‘voter apathy’. However, beneath this apathy lies a surprising complexity rooted in North Macedonia’s deep ethnic diversity – a characteristic often overlooked in a nation formerly known as the Federal Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FIROM).

Landlocked and bordered by five new states, North Macedonia itself can be considered an ‘enclave’ within the wider Balkan region. This sense of enclosure extends internally, with numerous communities existing as ‘enclaves’ in cultural, ethnic, or religious terms. A vivid example is Vevčani, frequently enough dubbed the “Republic of Vevčani,” a self-declared “micro-nation” that remains an Orthodox Christian enclave surrounded by predominantly Muslim villages.

Skopje’s Old Bazaar, or “Turkish enclave,” with its distinct Ottoman architecture, further illustrates this dynamic. Renewed through financial support from Ankara and Gulf states, it stands as a testament to the country’s interwoven history. These diverse areas are integral parts of North Macedonia’s territory, yet the recent local elections amplified their significance.

In the first round, VMRO-DPMNE secured the most mayoral positions (33), followed by VLEN (5), SDSM (3), and NAI (3). The second round saw the ruling conservatives dominate,winning over two-thirds of mayoral contests and leaving the opposition Social Democrats trailing.While these results reflect the current political climate, they also highlight the partially satisfied communal interests of Macedonia’s ethnic groups, fueling a desire for greater representation and prompting consideration of alternatives outside the VMRO-DPMNE sphere to achieve greater self-governance.

Shutka: A Roma-Led Enclave in North Macedonia

Suto Orizari, known as Shutka, was once a desolate area – the name literally translates to “barren fields.” As part of Skopje’s urban plan following a 1963 earthquake, combining brutalist architecture and social engineering, the Roma population was relegated to this zone.However, Shutka flourished. Local resident Meneshka Umjer describes the post-earthquake growth of the enclave:

we had nowhere else to go but we gave it our best. It was like a Roma-homeland. Now we are maybe 50,000 Roma with our own Mayor, our own decision-making and essential services, and our own identity. To some extent we are impervious to the wider politics of the local elections because we make everything for ourselves. it is Shutka first and Skopje second… Unfortunately, we are not well favoured in jobs, and we do not yet have powers to raise our own taxes.

Macedonia (as FYROM) gained independence in 1991, and in 1996, the Roma community in Shutka began self-governance.In 2001, the country narrowly avoided civil war between ethnic Macedonians (Slavs) and ethnic-Albanians, who comprise 25% of the population. The resulting peace agreement guaranteed minorities,including Roma,a role in the government. Zeljko Jovanovic,Director of the Roma Initiatives Office of the Open Society Foundation,explains the evolution of this “state within a state”:

Macedonia is unique in the sense that it has the most stable,numerous representations of Roma in politics anywhere in Europe. Political participation can be better, but it is not a major issue. There are now several Roma members of parliament,even ministers; and high-level officials serving in the government. We object that not as many of us are admitted to government as is required by the quota system for the Macedonian civil service. Increased civil service participation doesn’t automatically translate into benefits for ordinary peopel. However, we campaign for improvement.

By the 2002 census, Roma constituted 2.7% of the total population, and current government representation stands at 1.4%, with 1,698 public officials – a notable advancement. Though, Zeljko Jovanovic’s concerns are echoed in the frustration surrounding the pace of political change. Onyl 0.2% of these Roma civil servants are managers, and only 0.3% hold elected positions.