Ukraine Reconstruction Risks Excluding Roma Communities Amid Documentation Barriers

Reconstruction efforts in Ukraine risk reinforcing systemic inequalities if Roma communities are not intentionally included in recovery plans, according to Neda Korunovska, Vice President for Analytics and Results at the Roma Foundation for Europe. The primary obstacles include strict property ownership requirements and a lack of valid identification, which frequently disqualify marginalized groups from receiving housing compensation and emergency aid.

Documentation Gaps Blocking Access to Recovery Funds

Current compensation schemes for war-damaged housing in Ukraine rely on formal documentation that many Roma families do not possess. According to Korunovska, the requirement for a valid ID from occupied or war-affected zones to register as an internally displaced person (IDP) creates a barrier for those without official paperwork. Many Roma live in homes they do not officially own due to complicated inheritance procedures or the inability to pay administrative taxes, which Korunovska notes are often deprioritized in favor of immediate survival needs like food and heating.

This reliance on “clean” cases—where ownership is easily proven—means that those in informal settlements or rudimentary housing are often left out of the recovery process. Korunovska warns that without a shift in how the state documents repairs and accepts alternative proof of ownership, these communities may be left to decay, forcing residents to migrate.

The Divide Between Physical and Social Reconstruction

While the World Bank, UN institutions, and the Ukrainian government produce annual rapid assessments of physical reconstruction needs, Korunovska argues these economic models fail to account for “intangible reconstruction.” She identifies a critical gap in funding and intent regarding social cohesion and the creation of an inclusive society.

The war has created new societal polarizations, distinguishing between those serving in the military, those not serving, and those displaced. Korunovska observes that while some kinship has developed in war-affected areas where different groups suffered together, this has not translated to the rest of the country. She points to a persistent negative image of Roma in Ukraine, which often places them on the margins of national recovery calculations.

Risks of Post-War Social Instability

Drawing on precedents from post-war periods in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, Korunovska warns that failing to address social cohesion can lead to increased domestic violence, femicides, and racially motivated killings. She notes that some paramilitary groups who targeted Roma before the war have since become war heroes, raising concerns about whether their beliefs have changed.

Despite facing systemic discrimination, many Roma are actively defending Ukraine. Korunovska emphasizes that Roma individuals, some of whom have formal exemptions from military service because they have small children, or if they are illiterate, are fighting in the military. She argues that the “new Ukraine” must mobilize all its citizens to contribute to the economy and culture to ensure long-term stability.

Barriers to Political and Administrative Action

The Ukrainian government’s current “bandwidth” is narrow, with priorities focused on energy, de-mining, transport, and defense, according to Korunovska. While policy discussions may acknowledge the need for inclusivity, the capacity to implement these programs varies wildly across Ukraine’s decentralized regional and local administrations.

To prevent the further marginalization of Roma, the Roma Foundation for Europe advocates for:

• Consultation with Roma to understand the challenges and to understand the details of the barriers they face so they are incorporated into the design of any reconstruction.
• Explicit prioritization of inclusivity from the top levels of political leadership.
• The acceptance of informal housing and alternative proof of residency for aid eligibility.